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This book presents a theory and empirical evidence for how security forces can identify militant suspects during counterinsurgency operations. A major oversight on the part of academics and practitioners has been to ignore the critical antecedent issue common to persuasion and coercion counterinsurgency (COIN) approaches : distinguishing friend from foe. This book proposes that the behavior of security forces influences the likelihood of militant identification during a COIN campaign, and argues that security forces must respect civilian safety in order to create a credible commitment to facilitate collaboration with a population. This distinction is important as conventional wisdom has wrongly assumed that the presence of security forces confers control over terrain or influence over a population. Collaboration between civilian and government actors is the key observable indicator of support on COIN. Paradoxically, this theory accounts for why and how increased risk to government forces in the short term actually improves civilian security in the long run. This book draws on three case studies : the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines post World War II; Marines Corp's experiences in Vietnam through the Combined Action Program ; and Special Operations activities in Iraq after 2003. For military practitioners, the work illustrates the critical precursor to establishing 'security' during counterinsurgency operations. The book also examines the role and limits of modern technology in solving the identification problem.
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This book documents the political ecosystem that legitimized violent military action against military-age males in US military operations after September 11, 2001. It first introduces the military-age male as a category used to identify insurgent combatants who have blended into civilian environments. Though US officials maintained that military-age males were not automatically assumed to be combatants, defense and intelligence professionals nevertheless used biases related to gender, age, religion and race to interpret the battlespace. Based on an analysis of the Obama administration’s decision to exclude adolescent boys and men from drone warfare’s collateral damage count, and an examination of similar problems with combatant identification under the Bush administration, the author argues that the military-age male category contributed to the deterioration of civilian protection. The concluding chapters discusses the link between counterinsurgency, drone warfare, and emerging trends in artificial intelligence and autonomy in weapons systems, highlighting the relation between algorithmic discrimination and the misidentification of civilians as combatants. Dr. Sarah Shoker is Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Waterloo, Canada.
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For long, the fight against insurgency has been seen mainly as a domain of military forces, and not of the police. The vast literature on counterinsurgency, both historical and contemporary, therefore, tends to focus solely on combat strategies, organizational issues, and politico-military relations. However, national leaders and governments, in a variety of settings, are beginning to grasp the important role played by a neutral, competent, and reliable police force in quelling insurgencies. But there remains an inexplicable dearth of scholarship on this dimension of internal security. This volume corrects this imbalance, bringing together a series of case studies from Africa, the Middle East, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. It examines the conditions in which police forces have either succeeded or failed in contributing to the resolution of an insurgency situation in a particular society. Each study presents the history of the specific insurgency, the attempts made and reform measures undertaken by the police force to confront it, and the efficacy of those measures, thereby offering insights into a geographically and socially diverse typology of insurgency and counterinsurgency operations from across the world.
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